Indonesia president promotes son as ā€˜nepo babiesā€™ cling to power in Asia

by Pelican Press
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Indonesia president promotes son as ā€˜nepo babiesā€™ cling to power in Asia

Indonesiaā€™s outgoing president has used ā€œMachiavellian tacticsā€ to push his son into high office, human rights groups have warned, amid a resurgence of governments led by ā€œnepo babiesā€ in south-east Asia.

After a decade at the helm of the worldā€™s third largest democracy, Joko Widodo, better known as Jokowi, will hand over power on Sunday ā€“ but only after ā€œbending institutionsā€ to cement a dynasty.

Despite limited political experience, reported reluctance and a rule candidates must be at least 40, Jokowiā€™s 37-year-old son Gibran Rakabuming Raka will become vice-president, in a ticket headed by Prabowo Subianto ā€“ a fiery former military commander with a mixed human rights record.

David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, was among the VIP guests attending the inauguration of the new president, Subianto, on Sunday.

ā€œJokowi completely mortgaged his legacy of transparency, probity, and respect for democracy as part of a desperate deal to cling to power via his son Gibran,ā€ said Phil

Robertson, the director of Asia Human Rights and Labor Advocates, added that even his supporters have been ā€œshocked by his Machiavellian tacticsā€.

ā€œWhatā€™s particularly sad is how Jokowi, who entered politics as a grass-roots reformer looking out for the little guy, became completely corrupted by the political family succession game,ā€ he said.

Patronage networks in politics are nothing new. But Gibranā€™s ascent comes as southeast Asia witnesses a ā€œstriking resurgenceā€ of ā€œnepo babiesā€, according to Ben Bland, the Asia director at Chatham House, who said it reflects a failure to build robust institutions.

David Lammy and Prabowo Subianto

David Lammy attended the inauguration of president Prabowo Subianto on Oct 20 ā€“ ADI WEDA/EPA-EFE/SHUTTERSTOCK

Six of 11 countries in the diverse region, which is home to more than 670 million people, are now governed by the children of former leaders.

This includes Sonexay Siphandone in Laos, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah in Brunei and Hun Manet in Cambodia ā€“ a Bristol University graduate long groomed for office, who seems intent on finishing his fatherā€™s work to ā€œwipe outā€ critics, according to Robertson.

Meanwhile, in the Philippines ā€“ where 78 per cent of the countryā€™s governors and 73 per cent of congressmen come from families with at least one elected official ā€“ the son of FerdinandĀ Marcos, a dictator toppled in 1986, is now president.

Ferdinand ā€œBongbongā€ Marcos Jr was elected in 2022. While his father once wrote in his diary that he feared his son was ā€œtoo carefree and lazyā€, Bongbong spent time as a governor, congressman and senator before joining forces with another political dynasty, the Dutertes, to get to the top. That uneasy partnership has since descended into a bitter feud.

But Indonesiaā€™s Gibran appears a more reluctant ā€œnepo babyā€. According to Reuters, he disapproved of his fatherā€™s entry into politics so much that he only attended Jokowiā€™s 2014 inauguration after his grandmother ā€œtwisted his armā€.

For a long time afterwards, he stayed out of the limelight, instead focusing on several food businesses ā€“ including a company selling pancakes stuffed with chocolate and cheese.

That changed just three years ago when Gibran became mayor of a small city.

Gibran Rakabuming Raka takes the oath at the presidential inauguration ceremonyGibran Rakabuming Raka takes the oath at the presidential inauguration ceremony

Gibran Rakabuming Raka, right, takes the oath at the presidential inauguration ceremony at the House of Representatives in Jakarta ā€“ Anadolu/Indonesian Parliament/ Pool

At around the same time his father dropped a campaign to change the constitution to seek a third term in office. Then, in 2023, a court led by Jokowiā€™s brother-in-law created an exception to the age limit, allowing Gibran to join a ticket before he hit 40.

He partnered with Prabowo, himself the former son-in-law of the ruthless dictator Haji MohamedĀ Suharto, who staged a remarkable transformation to present himself as a ā€œcuddly grandpaā€.

After he won a convincing victory in February, Gibran is en route to Jakarta, having packed the toys and collectable figurines he had on display in his mayoral office.

ā€œGibran might be reluctant but he said okay, and he danced to the drum,ā€ said Andreas Harsono, an Indonesia researcher at Human Rights Watch. ā€œItā€™s not only nepotism, Jokowi ruined many democratic institutions in the country to [make his son vice president].ā€

Thailand, too, has an inexperienced prime minister. Paetongtarn Shinawatra is the youngest daughter of former leader Thaksin Shinawatra, a billionaire who once owned Manchester City football club.

Thaksin was ousted in 2006 but has retained a strong presence behind the scenes ā€“ his sister and brother-in-law were prime ministers at points during his exile.

Gibran Rakabuming RakaGibran Rakabuming Raka

Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the new vice-president, is the eldest son of Joko Widodo ā€“ Tatan Syuflana/AP

But Paetongtarn, 37, was thrust into the position after a surprise court ruling removed her predecessor. Many commentators have speculated that this was much sooner than even Thaksin had envisaged, and she was visibly nervous in her acceptance speech in August.

ā€œCompared to Jokowiā€™s son, I think Paetongtarn might be seen less favourably,ā€ said Tita Sanglee, a research fellow at the ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute think tank.

ā€œPaetongtarn held no public office and rose straight to the top without substantial political experience.

ā€œThen thereā€™s the fact that she is a woman. This, coupled with her comfortable lifestyle and apparent preference for high-end fashion brands, makes her an easy target for criticism.ā€

While being a ā€œnepo babyā€ does not mean someone is inevitably bad at their job, Sanglee added that the dominance of family dynasties has thwarted competition and warped wealth.

ā€œThey can worsen regional disparities since some of these families tend to focus on their own regions or constituencies and not the broader needs of the country. This is a critical point for developing southeast Asian societies,ā€ she said.

ā€œAnd without proper checks and balances, these families can shape foreign policy in a way that serves their political and business interests, but not national interests.ā€



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